Teaching the Investiture Controversy

One of the most difficult things to teach in a medieval course is the Investiture Controversy. Students will grasp, more or less easily, the crusades, monasticism, “feudalism” if you simplify it enough, even saints’ lives and pilgrimage, but the Investiture Controversy usually puts them to sleep.

Which it shouldn’t because it was the most significant “event” in the Western Church between the death of Augustine in 430 and the Protestant Reformation in 1517. Perhaps the pontificate of Innocent III, 1198-1216, as well, in between these two. But the list is definitely limited.

Yet the Investiture Controversy is…boring. The facts that it centered on spiritual qualifications for office and the technicalities of who should preside over the ceremony of office are both lost on most students of today’s generation, because we simply don’t have context today. Students have to imagine a past where a) separation of church and state didn’t exist, and simultaneously b) where the Church, separate from the State (in this case, the complicated Holy Empire), wielded significant influence and authority in everyday life. And then students have to try to understand the monastic aspirations of the reformers, to bring back some measure of the spiritual vitality that made the Church an institution worth caring about. It’s all very complex, and by the time you get there either you’re out of time or they’re out of patience.

Gelasius 1 Jarrett
Jonathan Jarrett’s diagram of the issues; click image to read his excellent post and see the larger original diagram.

It’s not helped by the fact that, unless you’re giving a course specifically on the medieval church or even better the high medieval church, you can’t well assign a great sourcebook like Maureen C. Miller’s Power and the Holy in the Age of the Investiture Conflict (her introduction is superb), or the over-priced but excellent edition of Frutolf of Michelsberg’s chronicle. Generally, I’ve stuck with the famous  exchange of letters in 1076 between Henry IV and Gregory VII, and the Dictatus Papae (naturally), but again,the language is rough going for those who don’t know the period. Boiling events down to the Concordat of Worms in 1122 is another practical approach, since the statements of both sides are short and succinct–but again, one loses a sense of complexity and moment.

Carducho_-_Saint_Bruno
St. Bruno refusing the archbishopric

A different text that I’m thinking of assigning in the spring might might be beneficial for different reasons: Saint Bruno of Segni’s treatise on simony, composed sometime before 1107 and translated here by the redoubtable Professor William North (seriously, check out his collection of primary and secondary sources at Carleton College).

Saint Bruno’s treatise is useful for several reasons, especially when paired with Jean Leclercq’s essay on the “heresy of simony”: a) it is a longer selection, so when properly prepped students can sink their teeth into a longer argument; b) it contains a life of Pope Leo IX and functions as a foundation history of the reform movement; c) it illustrates how Scripture, the Patristics, papal government, and contemporary politics intersected; d) it lays out, as clearly as any source I’ve read, why exactly “simony” was so offensive and destructive to the church (chapter 10 and chapter 15); e) it was written by a man, Saint Bruno, who was a close adviser to four successive popes, and was widely regarded as one of the leading intellectuals in the reform movement (well-written, researched, and illustrated biography here). Granted, some of the legalistic parsing in chapters 11-14 might get a bit dry, but a lot comes down to how you frame the readings–put some faces to the names, and locations to the places, and things should liven up (Canossa, Normans, and Matilda of Tuscany, for example).

Hopefully this approach, together with some presentations that bring the historical figures to life, will breathe some vitality into the Investiture Controversy this spring. I plan to follow on our discussions with a focus on the first four Lateran councils, as a way of organizing the complex twelfth century, before arriving at papacy of Innocent III which is a unit on its own. But without understanding what was at stake in the Investiture Controversy, the rest of medieval history, all the way to Luther’s protests in 1517, will make rather less sense.

Leaving Iraq 2011: Or, Underrating the Utility of Force

One of the things that I’ve heard most frequently from the conservative side in the Iraq debates is that President Obama had the chance to keep American troops there, which is what most senior commanders and many diplomats wanted, but instead was in such a hurry to get out that no attempt was made to capitalize, or to use plans that were ready to go.  The President has repudiated these accusations more than once, perhaps most notably on August 9, 2014, after ordering that air strikes commence against Daesh. Specifically:

“Under the previous administration, we had turned over the country to a sovereign, democratically elected Iraqi government,” Obama said. “In order for us to maintain troops in Iraq, we needed the invitation of the Iraqi government and we needed assurances that our personnel would be immune from prosecution if, for example, they were protecting themselves and ended up getting in a firefight with Iraqis, that they wouldn’t be hauled before an Iraqi judicial system.

“And the Iraqi government, based on its political considerations, in part because Iraqis were tired of a U.S. occupation, declined to provide us those assurances,” Obama said. “And on that basis, we left. We had offered to leave additional troops. So when you hear people say, do you regret, Mr. President, not leaving more troops, that presupposes that I would have overridden this sovereign government that we had turned the keys back over to and said, you know what, you’re democratic, you’re sovereign, except if I decide that it’s good for you to keep 10,000 or 15,000 or 25,000 Marines in your country, you don’t have a choice, which would have kind of run contrary to the entire argument we were making about turning over the country back to Iraqis, an argument not just made by me, but made by the previous administration.

“So let’s just be clear: The reason that we did not have a follow-on force in Iraq was because the Iraqis were–a majority of Iraqis did not want U.S. troops there, and politically they could not pass the kind of laws that would be required to protect our troops in Iraq,” said Obama.

Now, you can read about the notorious Status of Forces Agreement, in outdated form (but with links to the documents), without necessarily getting the deeper details of the situation. However, when you do, it seems readily apparent that, while it is true that the argument over legal immunity was decisive, the way it went down speaks to a much more complex–and less complimentary narrative–than I had been aware of. iraq war endsThe signals being sent by the Obama administration, and unhappy convergence of campaign promises, senior military advice, internal Iraqi politics, and Iranian influence, really did set the stage for the complete removal of an American presence that, while it might not have prevented the raise of Daesh, certainly would have improved those odds.

The key article that I’ve found (and I’ll add others if you send me links) is by Dexter Filkins in The New Yorker on 28 April, 2014: “What We Left Behind.” It’s long, and detailed, and thought-provoking journalistic narrative of 2008 to 2014. How internal Iraqi alliances were brokered, particularly by the Iranians, how the Obama administration accepted that brokering, and how most people on the ground saw American presence as a steadying thing–is all laid out there.

My impression is, now that I’m a 2-hour expert on the subject (not counting the 3 years I listened to veterans discussing it), is that the President has learned one very important lesson about the utility of force–that it often doesn’t deliver what you want how you want–at the expense of another lesson–that it IS useful, at times. And a third lesson, that just because you disapprove of using sledgehammers to crack nuts, you swear off cracking nuts completely. In other words, there are other dimensions to military power than just the kinetic, smash-everything kind. I wouldn’t necessarily call military power “soft,” but “soft” military power leading up to 2011 seems to have had many benefits, simply by being there. I’ve long been a fan of the President’s refusal to get drawn into another long, drawn-out war with no clear end state, but in 2011 it is very hard to escape the conclusion that an opportunity got away.

Well, if it was an opportunity. Ultimately, it will come down to whether or not internal Iraqi politics, sandwiched between America’s apathy and Iran’s activism, could have been prevailed upon to approve a U.S. presence with legal immunity. There’s no consensus on the issue, but, and I hate to agree with Max Boot below, when Bush wanted the first agreement done, he put forth the requisite effort. The jury is out on whether the Obama administration did the same.

Daesh Dilenda Est.

Further Reading:

Continue reading Leaving Iraq 2011: Or, Underrating the Utility of Force

ISIS Delenda Est

Some random thoughts, subject to revision at any time:

  1. Apparently if your first thoughts are of anger and action instead of mourning and sympathy, you’re a dick. Enough with the false dichotomies. To everything there is a time and season. We all mourn with Paris and “stand with France” (whatever that means: it’s why I don’t like obligatory Facebook statuses; post, and move on with your day). Many of us also want to see more action against ISIS in Syria and Iraq.
  2. Just as with the January attacks in Paris, this week there have been multiple terror attacks around the world. PLEASE remember that, even though President Obama kind of skipped Beirut last night.
    1. Paris, currently 128 dead.
    2. Beirut, at least 37 dead, 181 wounded. (people are mourning there too, not that it’s getting much press)
    3. Baghdad, 26 dead and 61 injured.
    4. North Sinai, 8 dead.
    5. And don’t forget the 224 dead from last week’s Russian aircraft bombing in the Sinai.
  3. This is why, ultimately, this isn’t a Europe-vs-Middle East problem, or a Christianity-vs-Islam problem (though the destruction of the ancient Christian communities in the Middle East is often overlooked). This is about power, and an exclusive, calculating leadership exploiting those who feel marginalized and oppressed (whether they are or not), to attack Muslims as well as Christians and atheists. This is why I applaud Pope Francis’ official statement of love and support. But notice the word “decisive.” What does that mean?  I think of the French President last night.
  4. President Hollande said “We will lead the fight, and it will be merciless.” Good for you, Mr.  President. At least someone is leading. And if his words sound a bit too much like Abbot Amalric in 1209–“Caedite eos. Novit enim Dominus qui sunt eius”–perhaps ISIS shouldn’t constantly refer to the French as “crusaders.” It sounds like they’re nearly ready to oblige.
  5. People, myself among them, have argued that the crusades, whatever you think of them, should be left out of the conversation. Perhaps. I have less conviction on that point as time goes on, and I wonder if it matters. Some people who fight against ISIS will do so as part of a crusade, personal or organized. As long as they don’t commit atrocities, or contravene the laws of war,  I’m not sure at this stage that it matters in the cause of peace and justice whether someone who fights ISIS feels they’re fighting a crusade.  [Besides, not to beat a dead horse, but much of what you think you know about the 900-year-crusade-victimization of the Muslim world is myth anyway.]
  6. Subpoint on that, ISIL constantly calls Western society “crusaders” and despises moderate Muslims who live in peace in that society. As a military historian, I wonder if they shouldn’t be careful what they wish for. A crusade tends to be bad news for all concerned, and “Western” “crusaders” do logistics a lot better than they did back in the day.
  7. There was a heartfelt piece, which for the life of me I can’t find now,  saying that now was the time for Europe to open its gates to refugees, not close its borders. Noble, but naive. The question is largely moot, and while compassion is the right way to go, the best we can hope for is that the predicted “tsunami of hatred” for Muslim communities in Paris doesn’t materialize. Before the attacks yesterday, Angela Merkel was sticking by her open-door refugee policy. Remains to be seen whether that changes.  And yes, we enlightened ones may despise Douglas Murray, but the fact is that unless writings like his are squarely addressed, conversations about compassion and tolerance are going to overshoot their wider audience.
  8. I’m honestly not sure how you “lead the fight” without putting your Muslim communities on the defensive, justifying themselves and constantly having to prove their allegiance. It’s the problem with Cameron’s counter-extremism strategy, and Tariq Ramadan is spot on to say that a French response that doesn’t actually reflect a unified nation will be dangerous and inadequate. But once you accept the necessity for some kind of action, how do you avoid it? It’s the perverse logic of war: “war is a force that gives us meaning.”
  9. ISIS’s own goal is  a “black and white” world, as Iyad El-Baghdadi has drawn attention to (follow him on Twitter, he’s great). Polar extremes is what they want. Do we give it to them? I’m not sure they’re leaving us much choice, since a military response in essence confirms their own advertising. Any response is going to simply drive up ISIS’ recruiting reach, not least within European society itself.
  10. Yes, of course. This is all the United States’ fault. Every bit of it. If Iraq 2003 hadn’t happened, we wouldn’t have ISIS today (possibly). If we’d intervened in Syria in 2012, we wouldn’t have ISIS today (doubtful). The world without Saddam is far worse than the world with Saddam (debatable).  If Obama had just insisted on leaving troops in Iraq, this “thing” would not have emerged (horse dung).  Anyway, I’ve started seeing comments like this. Mostly they’re nonsense. The U.S. has been engaged in the Middle East since before 1980, and “Islamic” extremist terrorism was around long before March 2003. Further, to me that sounds rather like arguing that ISIS (which plenty of witnesses testify isn’t “Islamic” at all, anyway), isn’t somehow responsible for its actions, which is nonsense. I suppose we’re responsible for all the other terrorist groups that have pledged their support of ISIS, from Nigeria to Afghanistan. And while we debate these finer points of the political blame game, the organization has shown it can hit Baghdad, Beirut, and Paris all within a 48-hour period.

Ultimately, it is time to destroy the so-called “caliphate” in the Middle East, plain and simple, even though the conduct and aftermath will be fraught with difficulties. Will a full-blown campaign leave a peaceful and stable Middle East? Almost certainly not. Will it end the Sunni-Shi’a conflict? No. Will it finally oust the Assad regime? Almost certainly no. Will it allow the millions of refugees to return to their homes, assuming they want to? Probably not, at least not right away. Will it likely cause a rift with Turkey, given our admiration for the Peshmerga’s fighting abilities? You bet.

What then will war achieve? It can destroy the physical reality of ISIS. And that would be start. No, it will not solve all the problems of the Middle East. But it will solve one problem, which up to now has grown at alarming rates: ISIS. War would give hope to those who have had little hope for a long time, and who have felt, rightly or wrongly, abandoned by the United States and Europe. It would be a step in the right direction. Because the world will not be fixed once we’re without ISIS. But it sure as hell can’t be fixed with it. ISIS is a political problem. As such, it can be dealt with by military means.

As William Tecumseh Sherman said, “War is the remedy that our enemies have chosen, and I say let us give them all they want.” The French sound like they are ready to take this approach. Now let’s see if America follows.

Mourn the dead. Then avenge them.

ISIS dilenda est.

Visualizations: Aid and Internet

As we are often reminded in digital humanities conferences, the visualization of data is often mistaken for the argument and methodology of the project. That doesn’t mean that visualizations can’t be any less compelling. In fact, they function first and foremost as an invitation to audiences to “step into” the argument, so to speak.

Two recent visualizations are worth studying, both on Vox. First, the distribution of U.S. foreign aid, which visually suggests what I think most people already know–humanitarian principles have little to do with it. The second is an article and maps of the way the internet actually relies on undersea cables, which if you’ve never thought about it before makes sense. It’s also something that has been going on since the 1850s. And the cleavages in distribution of internet cables corresponds closely to the developed, developing, and undeveloped world.

Militarized Universities

Yesterday this article from Vice was being circulated around, “The Most Militarized Universities in America.” Both this piece, and its companion study, which apparently sets out in more detail the methodology and some examples, is causing a great deal of head-scratching in many quarters.

I include myself in that category. While I don’t have time to take my preferred methodical approach to the topic, I have to say the rationale for creating a category, populating it, and then claiming it shows…something…isn’t very clear. Vice claims that

“The 100 schools named in these rankings produce the greatest number of students who are employed by the Intelligence Community (IC), have the closest relationships with the national security state, and profit the most from American war-waging.”

I’m still reading it, and will be poking at the categories and methodology from time to time, but this sounds like a non-event to me.

D_burr’s comment on the “investigation” article kind of sums up the situation:

“What does this even mean. What am i supposed to decipher from this? If i went to Stanford what do these statistics indicate? I’ve been to nearly half the campuses listed and they all just felt like schools. I don’t get it.”

Thoughts?

Britain’s new counter extremism strategy: Kulturkampf or Arsenal of Democracy?

On Monday the British government unveiled its new “counter-extremism strategy,” which, while acknowledging the existence of other groups needing attention (neo-Nazis, et. al.), focuses mostly on Islamic extremism. Needless to say, it’s been drawing lots of criticism and analysis, from all areas of the political spectrum (the National Secular Society, for example, applauds the government’s investigation of Shari’a).

Continue reading Britain’s new counter extremism strategy: Kulturkampf or Arsenal of Democracy?

Why Lecture Matters: A View from the Trenches

So, those who were up late last night with nothing better to do than check Twitter may have noticed a strange, parallel, angry non-conversation taking place between me and David Perry. Normally we get along decently well, but yesterday a column was published in The New York Times titled “Lecture Me. Really,” by Molly Worthen, UNC Chapel Hill, which praised the lecture as an excellent tool for helping students process, interpret, and think critically about the argument of the lecture.

There are three key passages, I think:

  1. “In the humanities, there are sound reasons for sticking with the traditional model of the large lecture course combined with small weekly discussion sections. Lectures are essential for teaching the humanities’ most basic skills: comprehension and reasoning, skills whose value extends beyond the classroom to the essential demands of working life and citizenship.”
  2. “Those who want to abolish the lecture course do not understand what a lecture is. A lecture is not the declamation of an encyclopedia article. In the humanities, a lecture “places a premium on the connections between individual facts,” Monessa Cummins, the chairwoman of the classics department and a popular lecturer at Grinnell College, told me. “It is not a recitation of facts, but the building of an argument.””
  3. “This kind of work prepares students to succeed in the class format that so many educators, parents and students fetishize: the small seminar discussion. A lecture course teaches students that listening is not the same thing as thinking about what you plan to say next — and that critical thinking depends on mastery of facts, not knee-jerk opinions. “We don’t want to pretend that all we have to do is prod the student and the truth will come out,” Dr. Delbanco told me.”

So, the key things here are that a) even a lecture-based course has or should have a seminar component; b) lectures aren’t a data-dump, but the construction of an argument; c) you don’t achieve superior student seminar performance without training and practice.   And d) because of these things, the lecture is extremely valuable to student learning, despite the near-constant emphasis on “active learning” methods that don’t include the lecture.

None of these points should have been controversial, but I was curtly told to “read this,” “this” being Derek Bruff’s September 15 post “In Defense of Continuous Exposition By the Teacher.” A very good column, though he relies on Bligh’s now-dated analysis of what a lecture is and what it does:

“more or less continuous expositions by a speaker who wants the audience to learn something.” Bligh goes on to summarize the research literature: Lectures are as good as other methods at transmitting information, but lectures are generally not effective at promoting thought, changing attitudes, inspiring interest, or teaching skills.

Bligh’s own area was philosophy, psychology, and teaching physiotherapy, and his own conclusion, even with the too-narrow definition of lecture, was that multiple teaching methods and strategies should be used in a lesson. Bruff says that he reads pieces defending lecture as defending “continuous exposition,” versus “research-based” pieces such as that by Annie Murphy Paul that question the effectiveness of that method. In other words, frustrated get-off-my-lawn diatribes by people who clearly espouse inferior pedagogy.

Two points here. First, both Bruff and Paul, and to a lesser extent Bligh deal in STEM–those are their examples, not really the humanities. Second, there is more than one way and format in which to lecture, and saying, as Bruff does, that if you use “active learning” techniques in lecture, you’re not really lecturing, is disingenuous. It’s still the Sage on the Stage, and the focus is still on you and what you’re saying or asking next.

Rightly or wrongly, my ire at being brusquely told to read Bruff was aroused by what I perceived as the assumption that I hadn’t done my homework, and was apparently denying “facts,” although neither was or is the case. This is because, while not disputing the 2014 University of Washington (STEM) study that Bruff cites, there is another study that suggests a different set of dynamics and outcomes for lecture-based classes (also STEM): a 2011 study from Harvard’s Kennedy School. I assume that my colleague didn’t know the study, since I was the only one to mention it, but it does exist, and in the last few months I’ve grown tired of seeing, on Facebook and Twitter, studies dismissed because they challenge your opinions. Refute them later, but at least accept their existence. Heck, I just had to do that in a long Facebook exchange on gun control, and I’m the better for it. Apparently, from what I could gather on Twitter, we are to dismiss the Harvard study because it was produced by an elite institution –to which I can only shake my head at the number of logical fallacies contained therein (at least 2, by my reckoning, perhaps as high as four).

That lectures have, and will continue to have, a role in college education is taken almost for granted by publications such as the Journal of the Scholarship of Teaching and Learningthe link should take you to the many articles that in some way or other deal with lecture. Many, such as Smith and Cardaciotto 2011, stress the need to find ways to work active learning methods into lecture classes, citing G. S. Gremmel’s wry 1995 statement that we are under such pressure to cram everything into an hour that we unload our “dumptruck” of pedagogy on our unfortunate students. Others, such as Sagayadevan and Jeyaraj 2012 examine the role that students’ emotional engagement plays in lecture classes.  Brost and Bradley 2006, in a fascinating study, examine the reciprocal responsibility of teachers (lecturers) and students in assigning and reading assigned material, respectively (I’ve actually had a lot of success with some of the exact techniques that they recommend). Incidentally, it is quite clear that the lectures they describe embrace a wide variety of techniques, some more effective than others. Finally, Lawler, Chen, and Venso 2007 provide interesting data on what students themselves value in lecture: “showing enthusiasm for the subject, having good communication skills and explaining complex concepts
clearly” being the top three.   I could go on, but I think I’ve made my point: there has been a lot of work done studying lectures, and whether or not they will ever equal that 10-student seminar (no, they won’t). But they are here, and we’ve been working on making them darned effective.

But there were other reasons that Molly Worthen’s column on the lecture spoke to me. Above all, it is because, now that I’m back in regular civilian classrooms and teaching mostly freshmen for the first time in three years, lectures seem to be crucially important to my students’ success. The reasons for that are two-fold: a) a generally great lack of experience in historical analysis, and b) ditto for analytical thinking and questioning. This has nothing to do with aptitude–I’ve never had a student that wasn’t tip top, and my current bunch isn’t letting me down. But it does mean that college courses are often drastically different from high school courses, requiring a different kind of thinking, a different kind of engagement, and above all (because this is history), some basic familiarity with historical data (which at the same time is not mere regurgitation).

We actually just discussed this after my latest midterm. A few students stayed behind to ask about what the exam evaluated, and why I structured it the way I did (these weren’t complaints, just honest questions). One of my students questioned whether giving them terms requiring a short answer was the best teaching method, which was completely fair, and I said it wasn’t. But,  it did accomplish several things. We wound up chatting for a while as I cleaned up the classroom and here’s the gist of what we came up with:

  1. History is hard, because it deals in both concepts and data, not one or the other, and the relationship between them.
  2. Shifting back and forth between the two is the essence of good college history writing and speaking. My favorite piece of advice to students: big concepts, small examples.
  3. College history is also a lot like the game show Jeopardy–you have the data, the issue is what kind of question are you going to ask?
  4. Unless you’ve had the blessing of a great HS history class, you’ve probably never been exposed to these kinds of methods.
  5. You’re probably good with broad concepts, because in my experience most students are.
  6. So, here’s the rub: if I have you write an essay, it will probably be vague concepts with no examples, because data is boring and hard, and I’ll grade you down for that. If I give you nothing but terms and word banks, what does that accomplish, except for you to regurgitate stuff?
  7. So, I opted for the intermediate goal: short examples that help you develop your skills reasoning from specific terms, working on moving from data to its significance. This works with the skills you’re working on in your first paper, and will ultimately be building blocks for the second paper and the final exam.

My approach to the midterm derived directly from my experience in class to that point: whether for the Rise of Islam or the New Imperialism, students actually do need some kind of lecture to explain big concepts, suggest connections among the readings, alert students to ways to interrogate the sources, and generally employ a range of visual, audio, Socratic, artistic, and rhetorical methods to create an argument about the historical concept or phenomenon in question. Then we can analyze and discuss with a purpose. In fact, I ditched my beautiful syllabus structure a couple weeks in, so that often we have discussion and activities in the first half or two-thirds of class, and my lecture on upcoming set of materials in the second half of class. Active learning and active lecture in the same class session, and from what I’ve seen so far my students, who work very hard, appreciate this. It motivates them to actually work more, not less, because they feel more confident in trying to find their own voices in study and in the classroom.

Further, while I appreciate Paul’s analysis that lectures disadvantage underrepresented groups, my intro courses actually have a high ratio of women to men, and both expressed strong preference for lecture before getting to active learning. Now, this is anecdotal,  of course, but to me it suggests that we shouldn’t forget our students when designing our courses. I have  noticed that men do tend to speak up first and more confidently in Socratic sessions, and that’s something I’m working on.

But here’s the bottom line: I, and many other teachers doubtless better than I, lecture, not because we’re “having a bad day,” as was put last night, but because we and our students see tangible benefits to it. (Another factor is the number of students we often have to teach in a semester, but that’s a topic for another time–though it is in many ways integral to the effectiveness of the lecture format, beyond what I’ve discussed here).

And, contrary to what you might have read last night, not all studies dismiss the lecture so completely.  So, lecture on Dr. Worthen. We know that, Bligh notwithstanding, there is such a thing as “active lecture,” we know the formidable array of SoTL scholarship devoted to helping us achieve it, and we’re not going to sacrifice our recent high school graduates on the altar of perfect pedagogy. We will do what the best teachers do–engage, challenge, model, question, mentor, and, yes, lecture too.

Vade, et tu fac similiter.

Medieval and Military History with a Pinch of Attitude

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